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- Edited by Daniel Patte, Vanderbilt University, Tennessee
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- The Cambridge Dictionary of Christianity
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- 05 August 2012
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- 20 September 2010, pp xi-xliv
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1 - Northern and Central India
- from II - Agrarian Relations
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- By Eric Stokes, University of Cambridge
- Edited by Dharma Kumar, Meghnad Desai
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- The Cambridge Economic History of India
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- 28 March 2008
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- 10 March 1983, pp 36-86
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Summary
The upper Gangetic region, which today falls largely within the boundaries of Uttar Pradesh, exercised a palmary influence on the evolution of the Indian landholding system in the colonial period. When the British annexed the upper Gangetic region and formed the Ceded and Conquered Provinces in 1801-03, they at first made considerable use of the magnate element for local revenue collection purposes. Apart from increasing the importance of cash in the agrarian economy, the other important change effected by the British revenue system in the first half of the nineteenth century was to make the incidence of the revenue demand more uniform, at least within individual districts. The last half-century of British rule in the United Provinces witnessed a sharp intensification of agrarian difficulties and an increasing reponsiveness of the land revenue administration to political pressures. By the beginning of the century the net cultivated area reached almost its maximum extent of some 35 to 36 million acres.
Classical Political Economy and British Policy in India. By S. Ambirajan. Cambridge South Asian Studies, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1978. Pp. 301. £12.50.
- Eric Stokes
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- Modern Asian Studies / Volume 13 / Issue 4 / October 1979
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- 28 November 2008, pp. 693-694
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- October 1979
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Essays in Honour fo Professor S. C. Sarkar. Introduced by Barun De. People's Publishing House: New Delhi, 1976. Pp. lvi, 920. Rs. 80.00.
- Eric Stokes
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- Modern Asian Studies / Volume 13 / Issue 1 / February 1979
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- 28 November 2008, pp. 158-160
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- February 1979
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7 - Rural revolt in the Great Rebellion of 1857 in India: a study of the Saharanpur and Muzaffarnagar districts
- Eric Stokes
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- The Peasant and the Raj
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- 20 October 2009
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- 23 March 1978, pp 159-184
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Summary
In most accounts of the rural uprisings of 1857 the moneylender, whether described as ‘sleek mahajan’ or ‘impassive bania’, is cast as the villain of the piece. It is he who is seen as the principal beneficiary of the landed revolution that occurred in the first half-century of British rule in the North-Western Provinces and gave the non-agricultural classes of the towns a mounting share in the control of land. And his ascendancy is attributed directly to the institutional changes effected by British rule, among the most important of which were the transformation of the immediate revenue-collecting right (malguzari) into a transferable private property; the heavy, inelastic cash assessments; and above all, the forced sale of land rights for arrears of revenue or in satisfaction of debt. ‘The public sale of land’, says Professor Chaudhuri, ‘not merely uprooted the ordinary people from their smallholdings but also destroyed the gentry of the country, and both the orders being victims of British civil law were united in the revolutionary epoch of 1857–8 in a common effort to recover what they had lost.’
Professor Chaudhuri elsewhere spells out the consequences of this unwitting partnership of the moneylender and the British revenue laws:
The baniyas were mostly outsiders who purchased with avidity the proprietary rights of the zamindars and peasants when they came under the operations of the sale law. By this process a vast number of estates had been purchased by these ‘new men’ and a large number of families of rank and influence had been alienated. […]
8 - Traditional elites in the Great Rebellion of 1857: some aspects of rural revolt in the upper and central Doab
- Eric Stokes
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- The Peasant and the Raj
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- 20 October 2009
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- 23 March 1978, pp 185-204
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Summary
Rural revolt in 1857 was essentially elitist in character. Things may have been otherwise in the cities and towns, where as at Aligarh (Koil) ‘the low Muhammedan rabble’ could become a potent revolutionary force. But in the countryside the mass of the population appears to have played little part in the fighting or at most tamely followed the behests of its caste superiors. The dominant castes and communities that took the lead in rebellion were a minority of the population, and, of these, the owners of land were a still smaller group. Figures for the classification and enumeration of population have to be treated with reserve, but it is interesting to note, for example, that in Aligarh district in 1872 landowners numbered some 26,551 or 2½% of the total population. In Mathura district where cultivating proprietary brotherhoods of Jats were thick on the ground the proportion was higher, some 6½%. Roughly 47,000 owners (including non-agriculturalists) controlled an adult male agricultural population of 129,000 cultivators; in other words one in three male agriculturalists wned land. It was one in six in the Ganges Canal Tract of the Muzaffarnagar district where the landowning castes – Tagas, Jats, Rajputs, Sayyids, Sheikhs, Gujars, Borahs, Marhals and Mahajans – comprised one-third of the population. In Mainpuri district the Rajputs formed just over 8% of the population and held about one-half of the land. Even, therefore, where ‘village republics’ owned the land, as in the Jat bhaiachara settlements in northern Mathura or in the western portions of Meerut and Muzaffarnagar districts, the proprietary body was very much a rural elite.
11 - Peasants, moneylenders and colonial rule: an excursion into Central India
- Eric Stokes
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- The Peasant and the Raj
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- 20 October 2009
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- 23 March 1978, pp 243-264
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Summary
It is still widely supposed that the introduction of modern transferable title destroyed or fundamentally distorted peasant land rights in India and allowed the moneylender and middleman trader to gain a novel and portentous hold over the countryside. This hold, it is urged, was largely parasitic, direct investment in farm production being scorned for the easier and richer profits of rack-renting, usury, and the marketing of crops obtained at ‘distress’ prices. Middleman agency thus siphoned off the enhanced value of agriculture which resulted from increased cash-cropping and the price rise from the late 1860s. So far from peasant farming developing, a ‘depeasantisation’ took place that reduced the mass of agriculturalists to cultivators working for the barest subsistence return under a form of debt peonage. This picture is not one original to latter-day Marxists but was drawn by the British colonialists themselves. In essentials it was already complete by 1852 when Sir George Wingate wrote bitterly of the moneylender in the Bombay presidency being intent on reducing the ryot ‘to a state of hopeless indebtedness in order that he may be able to appropriate the whole fruits of his industry beyond what is indispensable to a mere existence…should the present course of affairs continue it must arrive that the greater part of the realised property of the community will be transferred to a small monied class, who will become disproportionately wealthy by the impoverishment of the rest of the people’.
12 - The return of the peasant to South Asian history
- Eric Stokes
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- The Peasant and the Raj
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- 20 October 2009
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- 23 March 1978, pp 265-289
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No platitude could be more trite than that the balance of destiny in South Asia rests in peasant hands, yet no platitude has been grasped with more laggardliness by political scientists and historians. Part of the explanation is perhaps the split level at which South Asian society appears to operate. Charles Metcalfe and Karl Marx long ago gave vivid formulation to the notion of an underlying discontinuity between the political superstructure and the agrarian base. No doubt this insulation of the peasant world from the state is in some measure typical of all pre-modern autocracies, but in the Indian subcontinent it seemed to receive particular reinforcement from the brittle foreign-conquest character of the larger political systems and from what appeared to be the peculiar economic and social self-sufficiency of a village society regulated by the institutions of caste. As a result even the periodic irruption of the peasantry into politics through rebellion looks strangely absent in Indian history, unless one follows Irfan Habib in regarding the rise of the Maratha, Sikh and Jat powers in the later seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as essentially peasant movements, or believes with Kathleen Gough that constant peasant rebellion under colonial rule has been deliberately over-looked. It has, therefore, seemed natural to treat politics as a self-contained activity and relegate rural India to the role of a dim, shadowy backcloth to the political stage. This attitude survived the ending of colonial rule.
Glossary
- Eric Stokes
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- The Peasant and the Raj
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- 20 October 2009
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- 23 March 1978, pp 290-298
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10 - Dynamism and enervation in North Indian agriculture: the historical dimension
- Eric Stokes
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- The Peasant and the Raj
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- 20 October 2009
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- 23 March 1978, pp 228-242
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In the west, when they talk of a Purbi (literally someone from the east, an inhabitant of the middle or lower Ganges) they automatically add the adjective dhila meaning rather unenterprising. One cannot but agree with the epithet. We are a long way from the robust northern castes
– Gilbert Etienne, Studies in Indian Agriculture: the Art of the Possible.One of the well-worn problems which have long engaged observers of the agrarian scene has been the uneven growth performance of Indian agriculture in different regions. In the north of the subcontinent there is the obvious contrast between the eastern and western portions of the Indo-Gangetic plain. While Bangladesh, Bengal, Bihar, and eastern U.P. have apparently remained sunk in stagnation and depression, western U.P., Haryana and the Punjab exhibit all the untidy signs of entrepreneurial activity and dynamic growth. Is not the expansion as straightforward as the phenomenon itself? The agriculturally secure regions were the first to enjoy prosperity and the first to fall victim to over-population, so that the centre of dynamic growth moved progressively away from the deltaic and lower riverine areas to the more thinly-held tracts of upper India, where the Pax Britannica and canal irrigation acted like a forced draught behind agricultural expansion. In this way, over the course of the nineteenth-century Lakshmi, the fickle goddess of fortune, betook herself with uneven tread westward from the lush verdure of Bengal until she has come to fix her temporary abode on the Punjab plain between Ludhiana and Lyallpur. The explanation has been applied over a narrower geographical span.
Introduction
- Eric Stokes
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- The Peasant and the Raj
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- 23 March 1978, pp 1-18
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Summary
To probe the nature of the ‘traditional’ agrarian order in which the vast bulk of the population of the Indian subcontinent was embraced, and to explore the extent to which rural society underwent fundamental alteration under colonial rule, forms the double-thread of inquiry linking these essays. Although events elsewhere in Asia, the practical concerns of development economists, and the rise of ‘peasant studies’ as an academic pursuit, have all combined to bring into fresh prominence the agrarian life of South Asia, it is remarkable how far thought and observation have been shorn of all but the most rudimentary historical dimension. The modern mind is the poorer in consequence, an impressive technical expertise being partnered all too often by a singular naiveté concerning the historic bases and continuities of the human society that it is planning to change. Doubtless the professional historian is himself much to blame for this condition, reluctant as he has been to put on the pair of good strong boots that Tawney declared to be an essential part of his equipment. Much of his difficulty has lain in the apparent complexity and technicality of Indian land systems and his despair at naturalising them among the common topics of historical discourse. Social anthropologists have long been preaching that complexity is the hallmark of pre-industrial rather than of industrial societies. But the complexity attending the manner in which land was held in the subcontinent was doubly compounded by the interlocking of land tenures with tax collection structures in an ancient order of civilisation. The British quickly added a further complication of their own.
Preface
- Eric Stokes
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Summary
Most of the studies collected in this volume have already appeared in symposia or learned journals. Apart from the correction of the odd error and the addition of an occasional reference they have all been reproduced as they first appeared. Inevitably they exhibit some measure of intellectual progression. For example, the reader will observe that many of the studies of the 1857 uprising in the countryside were directed to criticising and amending Dr S. B. Chaudhuri's straightforward thesis that the rural areas rose as one man and that the principal cause was the loss of land rights to the urban moneylender and trader under the pressure of the British land revenue system. Instead my researches suggested that violence and rebellion were often fiercest and most protracted where land transfers were low and the hold of the moneylender weakest. Later studies acknowledge, however, that the mere transfer of proprietary title tells us little about its political, social and economic effects, which could vary enormously according to the strength and homogeneity of the political and lineage organisation of the peasantry. Similarly while in earlier essays the action of local communities was analysed (as it was by contemporary British officials) in terms of local caste subdivisions, there is increasing awareness that in the crisis of 1857 rural society did not abandon traditional political organisation structured along vertical cross-caste lines. Even among the Jats of the upper Ganges-Jumna Doab the got or maximal lineage was too dispersed to form a local territorial unit for political cooperation and action.
List of Maps
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The Peasant and the Raj
- Studies in Agrarian Society and Peasant Rebellion in Colonial India
- Eric Stokes
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These twelve essays explore the nature of south Asian agrarian society and examine the extent to which it changed during the period of British rule. The central focus of the book is directed to peasant agitation and violence and four of the studies look at the agrarian explosion that formed the background to the 1857 Mutiny. The essays give a coherent historical treatment of the Indian peasant world, and the paperback edition of this successful book will be of interest to the student of peasant studies and to the sociologist as well as to development economists and agronomists generally.
3 - Agrarian society and the Pax Britannica in northern India in the early nineteenth century
- Eric Stokes
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It has been customary to view the effects of the British annexation of the Ceded and Conquered Provinces (1801–3) in terms of an abrupt caesura. Upon the whirling anarchy of the North Indian scene there suddenly fell the Pax Britannica. A political revolution was worked almost overnight. The tide of Sikh expansion was checked and turned back, Jat power penned in Bharatpur, Sindhia driven across the Chambal to his matchless rock citadel at Gwalior, and the Oudh nawabi stripped of its Doab, Rohilk-hand and eastern districts. The second line of the political elite could not long survive this dismantling of the superior political structure. Although, at first, expediency impelled the use of large-scale intermediaries, the assertiveness of British rule and its hunger for revenue could tolerate no more than could the Mughals the existence of tall poppies along the principal strategic highway of its power between Benares and Delhi; and on their part the number of magnates capable of keeping their footing and making the rapid adjustment from warlordism to estate management were few indeed. Within two decades of 1801 a large proportion of the established magnates had been swept from the scene, and the remainder were finding that the sun of official favour had gone down while it was yet day.
4 - The land revenue systems of the North-Western Provinces and Bombay Deccan 1830–80: ideology and the official mind
- Eric Stokes
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- 23 March 1978, pp 90-119
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The gap between profession and performance, between intention and achievement, is so wide in the first phase of conscious modernisation that historians have traditionally sought to explain it away. The British were deflected from their initial purposes, they argue, because of insistent problems of external and internal security which beset them between 1836 and 1860. Outside the ring fence, the Afghan war, the annexation of Sind, the Sikh wars, the Burmese war, the Persian expedition; within, the Gwalior rebellion, the Bundela rising, the Sonthal disturbances, and finally the crisis of the Mutiny – these, we are told, absorbed the attention and financial resources that might have been devoted to economic development and administrative reform. Hence the twenty to thirty year delay between Bentinck's education resolution of 1835 and its translation into effective action, between Macaulay's published draft of 1837 and the passing of the Indian Penal Code 1860 in, between Bentinck's paper plans and the actuality of rapid steam and rail communication in the 1870s. Today we look more cynically at statements of grandiose planning objectives. In the absence of capital investment from overseas what prospects of success were truly within the reach of a colonial government which, with the abolition of the East India Company's commercial functions in 1834, was finally stripped of those direct powers of intervention in the economy which it had previously wielded through bulk government purchasing of commodities?
5 - Traditional resistance movements and Afro-Asian nationalism: the context of the 1857 Mutiny Rebellion
- Eric Stokes
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Two distinct, though not necessarily opposing, interpretations dominate historical writing on nationalism in the Third World: the elder which is the elitist, and the newer which, for convenience, may be designated the populist. Whatever its emotive origins in the writings of the Fanon school, the newer interpretation has been pioneered for modern historical scholarship by work on those regions, notably East and Central Africa and the Congo, where the roots of the modern-educated elite and modern-style politics are shallowest. Here the telescoped nature of political development has made it credible to argue a historical connection between modern political activities and traditional resistance movements and even to assert the existence of a permanent, underlying ‘ur-nationalism’ which manifested its hostility to the European presence in a distinct series of historical forms. These forms were at first regarded as superseding one another in temporal succession as self-contained historical stages: firstly ‘primary resistance’, the hostile reaction of the unmodified tribal forms; then ‘secondary resistance’, the muter protest of millenarian movements, welfare associations, independent churches, and trade unions; and finally the emergence of modern political parties. On the old view only for this last stage could nationalism be regarded as a valid descriptive term.
The most recent school of East African historians has come, however, to see the process more as a logical progression than as one of strict temporal sequence, each stage or ‘moment’ representing an enlargement of scale in the expression of African political consciousness. The stages can, therefore, overlap, or, indeed, run in parallel.
Frontmatter
- Eric Stokes
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2 - Privileged land tenure in village India in the early nineteenth century
- Eric Stokes
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This paper poses two questions. Why was revenue-free or revenue-privileged tenure in the form of inam or lakhiraj land apparently far less extensive in northern than in other parts of India? What role did such tenure play at the village level?
Straight political and historical considerations doubtless supply part of the answer to the first question. The North felt the full weight of Muslim imperial power over a protracted period and so was precluded from the massive alienation of revenue-bearing land to Hindu temples that occurred in the far South. Even so, religious and charitable inam in the Madras presidency, when at last brought to book in the 1860s, proved to be only a quarter or so of total inam, the great bulk of which – that is, some three-fifths – was by this time classified as personal inam. But allowing the historical argument its fullest scope, it may still be urged that the survival of extensive revenue-free or favourably rated land into the mid nineteenth century is to be explained by the particular form of the initial colonial impact rather than by endemic differences in the pre-colonial period. While settling at first with a heterogeneous mass of revenue-engagers (malguzars), the British in the North, in the Ceded and Conquered Provinces, recognised in effect only two superior tenures – the temporary revenue farm and the proprietary zamindari right (of which the taluqdari was merely a later refinement). Privileged superior tenures like jagirs, jaedads, mukararis, istumraris, and the like, were bundled roughly into one of these two forms, and hence rapidly disappeared. Practice was different in other presidencies.
Contents
- Eric Stokes
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